A Qatar Cleansing Is Long Overdue

The U.S. should treat the emirate as a foreign adversary, not a friend.

Nothing illustrates better the dysfunctional and unprincipled state of U.S. foreign policy than our relationship with the Lilliput (about the size of the Big Island of Hawaii) but oil and gas rich Middle East emirate of Qatar. If Americans have heard of the tiny country at all, it is probably as the host of the 2022 World Cup, which was marred by accusations of exploitation and death of migrant workers from South and East Asia employed in preparing for the tournament. It’s currently in the spotlight because of the ridiculous grift "gift" of a Boeing 747 to the Trump administration as a substitute for the delayed new Air Force One—for supposed later transfer to the Trump Presidential Library Foundation, the morality and legality of which is in question.

A rational U.S. foreign policy puts the self-interest of Americans first. It starts with leading by example at home, setting an example for the rest of the world to emulate: championing the respect for and protection of individual rights, voluntarily trading material and immaterial values with one another, and delegating physical force to a government limited to the military (to protect us against foreign enemies), law enforcement (to protect us against domestic rights violations), and the judiciary (to interpret the law and meter out justice). This is the social system we call capitalism. As other countries follow our example, our values become more aligned, former foes turn into friends, and a more peaceful world emerges.

Our country has never fully adhered to this model. Instead, a mishmash of altruistic schemes to save the world from fascism (WWII), communism (Cold War), and religious fundamentalism (post 9/11) have taken precedence over protecting the individual rights of Americans at home and abroad. As our government has strayed from its original intent and grown leaps and bounds, other countries have found Washington fertile ground for massive lobbying and rent-seeking.

Qatar is currently the best example of country that the U.S. government and private institutions have ominously close ties to that are not in our self-interest. Our relationship is often described as pragmatic, rooted in energy ties both in the U.S. and Qatar, and military cooperation—the Qatari paid-for Al Udeid Air Base is host to a forward headquarters of United States Central Command, headquarters of the United States Air Forces Central Command, and the 379th Air Expeditionary Wing of the USAF. The U.S. Army also has a presence.

However, mounting evidence suggests that Qatar’s actions—particularly its support for Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, its pervasive influence on American universities, its use of Al Jazeera as a propaganda tool, it’s massive U.S. lobbying and rent-seeking, and many other ties as detailed in the Free Press and WSJ—are fundamentally at odds with U.S. interests. The U.S. should recognize Qatar not as a partner, but as an adversary whose actions undermine national security.

For over a decade, Qatar has provided billions of dollars to Hamas-controlled Gaza—with consent from both the Israeli and U.S. governments. While Qatari officials insist their aid is humanitarian and supervised by international agencies, funds earmarked for civilian purposes are fungible—by covering salaries and basic needs, Qatari money freed up Hamas resources for terror and military operations. Qatar also—initially at the request of the United States—serves as host for Hamas's leadership.

Qatar’s relationship with the Muslim Brotherhood is equally troubling. The Brotherhood, the ideological parent of Hamas, has been nurtured by Qatar through financial support, political asylum for its leaders, and the amplification of its ideology via Qatari-funded institutions and media. This support has destabilized allies in Egypt, the Gulf, and beyond, fueling Islamist extremism and undermining secular, pro-Western governments.

Furthermore, Qatar’s reach extends deep into the fabric of American higher education. Since 2007, the Qatari government and its proxies have poured over $6 billion into U.S. universities, making it the largest foreign donor in American academia. Prestigious institutions such as Harvard, Georgetown, and Northwestern have eagerly accepted these funds, establishing satellite campuses in Qatar’s capital Doha and, in the process, granting Qatar significant leverage over curricula, faculty appointments, and research priorities.

The consequences are profound and disturbing. Watchdog organizations and investigative reports have revealed that Qatari funding has been used to promote anti-Israel narratives, justify terrorism, and silence dissenting voices on American campuses. The result has been an explosion of campus antisemitism and pro-Hamas demonstrations, particularly after the October 7 attacks—a wave of activism that was not spontaneous, but the product of years of systematic ideological grooming.

Qatar’s influence is not limited to higher education. Through the Qatar Foundation International, it funds Arabic-language and social studies programs in K-12 schools across the United States, injecting anti-Israel and anti-Western perspectives into the minds of American children. This is not soft power; it is a deliberate campaign to shape the next generation of American leaders and voters in ways that serve Qatari Islamic fundamentalist, not American, interests.

Al Jazeera, Qatar’s state-funded international media network, is often lauded for its global reach and slick production values. Its coverage is marked by blatant double standards and a refusal to criticize Qatar itself. Its reporting has consistently incited hostility against the United States and its allies, spread disinformation, and fueled anti-American sentiment across the Arab world and beyond.

Some argue that Qatar’s role as a mediator in regional conflicts, or its hosting of U.S. military bases, justifies the status quo. But this logic is dangerously short-sighted and pragmatic. Qatar’s mediation is self-serving, designed to protect its own interests and those of its Islamist clients. Its military cooperation with the U.S. has not deterred it from supporting groups that threaten American allies and values. Instead, Qatar has mastered the art of playing all sides: presenting itself as an indispensable partner to Washington while bankrolling America’s most determined enemies.

Islamic fundamentalism is a long-term threat to the self-interest of Americans. Iran’s explicit long-term goal is to annihilate Israel followed by the U.S. Similarly, Qatar’s direct support of Islamic fundamentalism through Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood, educational funding, lobbying/rent-seeking, and Al Jazeera is a threat to the long-term security of the United States, albeit more covert than Iran’s.

What does a rational U.S. foreign policy demand with respect to Qatar? What should we do about it? Here are a few thoughts.

• Designate Qatar a foreign adversary allowing for adding Qatari nationals and organizations to the Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) list, blocking their assets and prohibiting U.S. persons from dealing with them. This will prevent Qatari funding of American higher and K-12 education, curtail its lobbying and rent-seeking (no 400M grift “gifts,” etc.), and possibly reduce the presence of Al-Jazeera in the U.S (may have free speech implications).

• Cut all military ties. If it is deemed in our self-interest to maintain a military presence in the country, we should take control of all Qatari military installations that are of significance to us, similarly to how we’ve maintained control of Guantanamo Bay since the Cuban communist takeover.

• Demand that Qatar hands over the Hamas leadership to Israel, and if not complying, that Israel is given a green light to take care of business.

• Give notice to corporate entities having energy ties to Qatar that they are on their own. Going forward, the U.S. government cannot guarantee the defense of their property and personnel in their dealings with a U.S. foreign adversary.

If Boeing cannot deliver the new Air Force One on time, let’s assure Mr. President that he’ll score points with the electorate by travelling in a used aircraft for the remainder of his term—but let’s be generous and grant him a new fridge-in-the-sky so he can keep his Diet Coke sufficiently cooled.